Kamaraj As ChiefMinister

Kamaraj was ‘reluctant to accept’ the chief ministership but the circumstance prevailed upon him as there was no ‘alternative to the kingmaker himself ascending the throne.’ Kamaraj took the mantle from Rajaji, and formed his first cabinet, which did not contain a single Brahmin contrary to Rajaji’s first ministry in 1937, ‘dominated by Brahmins’. The elevation of Kamaraj as the chief minister on the wave of opposition to the Rajaji scheme of education, led to the development of closer ties between Kamaraj and E V Ramasamy. The Congress gained the support of E V Ramasamy and Kamaraj’s equation with the non-Brahmins was kept intact. E V Ramasamy was all set to endorse his solidarity with Kamaraj on the grounds that in all these years he was the first and only non-Brahmin with Tamil as his mother tongue to become the chief minister; and for the first time a full-fledged ministry had been formed without a single Brahmin headed! by Kamaraj.

According to E V Ramasamy all credit should go to Kamaraj for dropping Rajaji’s educational scheme despite opposition from upper castes led by C Subramaniam and Bakthavatchalam who were in favour of it. Extolling Kamaraj as the pacchai Tamilan he urged his followers to extend every support to sustain the Kamaraj rule and prevent it from being ousted, as the interests of Tamils were safe in his hands. However, Kamaraj did not follow the exclusion of Brahmins as a deliberate policy. In fact, Brahmins were incorporated into his ministry at a later stage, one of the prominent gainers being R Venkataraman.

For Kamaraj, E V Ramasamy’s open proclamation of support was a great source of strength, arriving precisely at the right moment when he himself was under pressure since doubts were being echoed in certain circles whether Kamaraj, a low caste man without formal education, would be able to cope with the administrative exigencies of the office of chief minister.16 For Kamaraj, seasoned for the occasion, E V Ramasamy’s endorsement was an unmistakable political gain and he saw its usefulness in countering his critics. Soon Kamaraj proved his capabilities as one of best chief ministers silencing the critics and sceptics. Kamaraj silently used the non-Brahmin movement in his favour though he did not ‘share Periyar’s anti-Brahmanism’. E V Ramasamy’s crusade against brahmanism, religion and the threat of imposition of Hindi from Delhi would continue unabated under Kamaraj’s rule only so long as it did not weaken Kamaraj’s ministerial governance. Kamaraj distanced himself from Ramasamy and his followers when the mode of agitation culminated in a call for burning the national flag (August 1, 1955), maps of India and copies of the Constitution.

One of the first political acts of Kamaraj during his tenure as chief minister was to widen representation of the rising non-Brahmins in the cabinet. Ministerial berths were given to the non-Brahmin caste-based parties, Tamil Nadu Toilers Party and Commonweal Party. Both the parties were subsequently ‘subsumed’ by the Congress. In a move to counter Tamil cultural politics espoused by the DMK, Kamaraj made conscious attempts to partake in the linguistic cultural matters. In order to placate Tamil aspirations, Kamaraj effected some measures. The efforts towards introducing Tamil language as a medium of instruction in schools and colleges was accompanied by the publication of textbooks on ‘scientific and technical subjects’ in Tamil. In 1960 the state education minister took steps to introduce Tamil in government arts colleges as a medium of instruction.

The introduction of the Tamil typewriter in government offices was another effort to change the language of administration gradually. Similarly the usage of Tamil in the courts received encouragement. To affirm his role in the linguistic politics of the state, Kamaraj did introduce a bill in February 1962 in the legislative assembly for changing the name of Madras to ‘Tamilnad’ for ‘intra-state communication’, the bill also proposing Madurai as the capital. But no decision was taken on it. However these moves were on a low key and inadequate to woo the masses. The DMK made capital out of this, routing Congress in the 1967 elections four years after Kamaraj relinquished his office as chief minister in accordance with the Kamaraj Plan to concentrate on Congress organisational work.

Committed to his version of ‘socialism’ meaning that “those who are backward should progress”, Kamaraj remained truthful to the simple dictum of his ‘socialism’, providing ‘what is essential for man’s living’ such as ‘dwelling, job, food and education’. The great feature of Kamaraj rule was the ending of the retrogressive educational policies and setting the stage for universal and free schooling. Six thousand schools closed down by Rajagopalachari were revived and 12,000 schools added. The percentage of school going children in the age group between 6 and 11 increased from 45 per cent to 75 per cent within a span of seven years after he became the chief minister.

Almost every village within a radius of one mile with a population of 300 and above inhabitants was provided with a school. With a view to encouraging and attracting the rural poor children to the schools Kamaraj pioneered a scheme of free mid-day meals for primary school children in panchayat and government institutions. This scheme, aided by the American voluntary organisation CARE, was launched in 1957. In addition the government came forward to supply school uniforms to poor students. To make the education easily accessible to children from various backgrounds, full exemption from school fees was introduced. Public enthusiasm and participation in raising funds and procuring equipment for the schools were entertained through different schemes making education a social responsibility. Such measures made education affordable for many who were denied basic educational opportunities for centuries.

Kamaraj’s other major feat was his role in facilitating developmental programmes chiefly electrification and industrial development. Thousands of villages were electrified. Rural electrification led to the large-scale use of pumpsets for irrigational purposes and agriculture-received impetus. Large and small-scale industries were flagged off generating employment opportunities. Kamaraj made the best use of the funds available through the Five-Year Plans and guided Tamil Nadu in deriving the maximum benefit.

His efforts in these directions not only enhanced the profile of Tamil Nadu as one of the best-administered states in the post-independent era, but it also raised it high in social and economic rankings compared to other states. As chief minister for nine years Kamaraj headed a stable administration and managed two elections successfully and his reputation soared high as ‘shrewd and competent’ and “one of the most effective chief min! isters in India.” He proved himself more than equal to the task and his detractors retracted the statements made about this ‘village-green trundler’ and his capacity to govern the state when he took the mantle from Rajaji.

His competent ministerial colleagues and the excellent set of senior state officials saw in Kamaraj ‘a man with a mission’ who could set aside any stricture in order to serve the common people. He was able to invoke cooperation, dedication and willingness ungrudgingly. Importantly his approach to governance and party control was never tainted with religious overtones and a secular commitment was natural and integral to his mission in life. Among his cherished political mentors, Kamaraj held George Joseph, a Kerala Christian nationalist who chose Madurai as his base for practising law and for his political activities, in high esteem.

Kamaraj’s association with George Joseph began early and grew in strength from the days when Kamaraj frequented political meetings addressed by George Joseph in Virudhunagar. It continued through the period of his involvement in the Vaikom Satyagraha then led by George Joseph, to the organising of demonstrations against the Simon Commission along with Joseph. It was George Joseph who defended Kamaraj and got him released when he was accused of making bombs and implicated in the Virudhunagar Conspiracy case. Profoundly fond of George Joseph and his family, Kamaraj continued to pay visits to the Joseph family especially his wife Susannah, even with his busy itinerary as chief minister.

His lifestyle never changed; power and position failed to dislocate his simplicity. His illustrious career as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu ended in 1963 and he commenced his political life in Delhi as the president of the All India Congress Party. Explicating Kamaraj’s long stint and stature in Tamil Nadu politics, reputed political scientist, R Bhaskaran, observed:

“Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the ‘representative’ Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them.”

Bhaskaran’s judgment is indeed right. That is certainly the reason why the beleaguered Congress in Tamil Nadu is wooing the Tamils today with the promise of ‘Kamaraj Rule.’

Most know why it cannot promise a ‘Rajaji Rule.